On Tuesday morning, Radio Dabanga reported that Russian troops have been spotted in Um Dafug locality, South Darfur state. This report noted 500 Russian troops and 50 vehicles, as well as other military equipment stationed in the area. Additionally, the Russian troops were reported to have completed construction of an area for landing helicopters. We a received this report with great concern. DWAG writes to raise the alarm about the danger and the implication of Russian troops establishing a military base in Darfur and what that means to the people of Darfur. If it is allowed, it will be another phase of the Darfur genocide that the international community — including the United states — must avert.

 

There is no current international force capable of monitoring Russian activity in South Darfur. The international peacekeeping force in Darfur, UNAMID, is decreasing its presence significantly. This is part of a trend of decline which Russia, as a political ally of the al-Bashir regime, has pushed throughout the history of UNAMID. In July this year, the UN Security Council cut the mandated maximum authorized size of UNAMID forces from 13,763 to 4,050. This follows a trend of general sizing down of UNAMID, as seen on the chart below. The UN Deputy Under-Secretary General for Field Support declared this week that UNAMID intends to be entirely out of Darfur by 2020, though they are poised to return at any time should they be needed.Putting Russian troops on the border between Sudan and CAR has been discussed for several months. Both the United States and France expressed displeasure at this idea. Western powers do not want a heavy Russian presence in the Central Africa Republic, where Russia is taking a lead in supporting the government with arms sales and technical military training. There are reports that the Russian private military contractor company Wagner is operating in CAR. Wagner has previously deployed Russian private military contractors in Syria and Eastern Ukraine.

 

 

 

The closest UNAMID force to Um Dafug is one Pakistani Infantry Company in Buram, roughly 75 miles to the North-West. Next is one Egyptian Infantry Company in Graida, over 100 miles North-West, and two Ethiopian Infantry Companies in Mukhjar roughly 150 miles to the North. The point is, UNAMID fundamentally does not have the capacity to effectively monitor what Russian troops are doing in South Darfur. Even if they did have this capacity, UNAMID has proven useless in protecting the people of Darfur from Government militia attacks, let alone Russian troops.

In addition to Russian diplomacy supporting the al-Bashir regime at the UN, Russia has also had a significant military role in the government’s campaign in Darfur. This is because Russia is heavily responsible for arming the government of Sudan throughout the genocide in Darfur. Since the genocide began in 2003, Russia has delivered to Sudan[1]:

• 12 Ground Attack Fighter Aircraft
• 36 Combat Helicopters
• 60 Infantry Fighting Vehicles
• 37 Military Logistics transport helicopters
• 60 Diesel Engines for Tanks
• 100 anti-Tank missiles

 

These weapons constitute 47% of the arms imports to Sudan throughout the period 2003-2017, according to SIPRI estimates. These sales were also in violation of international law. The UN placed an arms embargo on Darfur in 2005, though sales of arms to Sudan were legal so long as the weapons did not end up in Darfur. Amnesty International reported in 2012 that there were credible reports Russian weapons were being used in Darfur. The government of Sudan method of attack often involves indiscriminately shelling villages, killing civilians and forcing many into displacement.

Darfur need peace and accountability, not Russian troops putting the weight of Russian military might behind a genocidal Sudanese regime. This report is extremely alarming and must be immediately addressed. We call on the United States and the member states of the UNSC to publicly denounce Russian troops present in Darfur and demand that Russian must withdraw its troops from Darfur.

[1][1] SIPRI

Sudan Tribune reported last week that Sudanese President Al-Bashir has extended the government’s “unilateral ceasefire,” covering the Darfur region and various other areas of Sudan. This would be important news, if there was even a grain of truth to it.

 

This “ceasefire” was declared in 2016, and has had no discernible impact on actual government military behavior as government forces continue to carry out attacks against civilians. This year alone, uniformed government forces – including RSF – fought pitched battles with Rebel groups on 55 occasions.[1] The bulk of these attacks occurred in the Jebel Marra region at the center of Darfur, long a rebel-controlled area, during a government campaign to penetrate the region and root out rebel positions. This offensive has destroyed civilian villages, killed women and children, and led to the displacement of between thirty and fifty thousand people.[2] A frequent phrase in Radio Dabanga reports throughout the past several months has been “government forces shelled ___ village.” Despite the positive press image as portrayed by Khartoum, the regime continues to launch offensive military campaigns against the indigenous groups in Darfur.

Map: Battles between Government and Rebel Forces in 2018

The ceasefire, called “unilateral” throughout the media despite depending on an agreement between multiple parties, is only between the government of Sudan and several rebel groups. These include the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM), Sudan Liberation Movement- Minni Minnawi (SLM-MM) and SLM- Transitional Council (SLM-TC), the last of which is defunct and currently controls neither military forces nor territory. The Government of Sudan therefore does not have an agreement with the remaining SLM-AW, led by Abdel-Wahid al-Nur. The fact that only a single rebel group remains fighting against the government does not mean a decrease in violence. In fact, there have been 190% more recorded firefights between government and rebel forces in the first seven months of this year compared to the total number of attacks in the entirety of 2017. It must be made clear where lies the responsibility for this escalation of violence: government policy. Rebel groups have made no attempt to break out from their base in Jebel Marra. Rather, government forces converged on the region in spring of this year, and renewed their assault on rebel positions, firing rockets and artillery indiscriminately into villages.

 

 

Not only do government forces continue to assault rebel positions, they also continue to perpetrate mass violence against the civilians of Darfur, again despite government claims to the international community about a “ceasefire.” Independent observers recorded 68 incidents of violence against civilians perpetrated by uniformed government forces so far in 2018.[3] Like the fighting between government and rebel forces, government attacks on civilians increased dramatically in 2011 following a renewed government offensive in Darfur, which is still ongoing. The level of violence against civilians in Darfur in 2018 is again above the average level during the pre-2011 period. This fact is fundamentally inconsistent with the notion that peace has been achieved in Darfur, and fundamentally inconsistent with the notion that a “ceasefire” has really been placed into effect. Certain weak rebel groups may have temporarily stopped fighting, but that does not mean government firing has ceased in Darfur.

 

 

All of the above analysis demonstrates that the current level of fighting in Darfur today is actually historically high. The government launched a major offensive in Darfur in 2011, and violence continues at a level above the average before this offensive. What we see is clear indication of an ongoing, indeed escalating, government offensive in Darfur. This is not a ceasefire.

 

Because the wording of United States Executive Order 13067[4] specifically mentions a decline in “offensive military activity” on the part of the government of Sudan, because this then became a key metric of the “Five Track”[5] approach of the United States towards Sudan, and to create talking points for supporters of the Khartoum regime throughout the international community, it is important for Bashir to publicly commit to peace. It is desperately important to understand that this lip service has absolutely no substance. Bashir is not committed to peace, and any “ceasefire” proclaimed by the government is meaningless until the government actually decides to cease firing their weapons, especially when these weapons are often directed against civilians.

 

The United States is obligated by its own five-track policy to undertake practical step to assess the situation on the ground in Darfur. The United States cannot take the rhetoric of Khartoum at face value, nor can it be allowed to promote its own rhetoric of sustained peace in Darfur without any verification, especially when the facts on the ground so clearly indicate that peace has not been achieved. The Government of Sudan is desperate for international engagement and normalization of relations with the United States. They must not be allowed to achieve these goals without actually committing to peace in Darfur.

 

Peace in Darfur will not be achieved through rhetorical declarations, but rather through realistic measures to monitor and ensure it. DWAG believes that only the disarmament of the government’s notorious Rapid Support Forces and other Janjaweed militias, realistic accountability for the crimes committed by government officials, and a genuine peace process can put an end to the crises in Darfur.

[1] ACLED

[2] Radio Dabanga reports 50,000. The Prosecutor for the International Criminal Court reported 30,000 in her appearance before the UN Security Council in June.

[3] ACLED

[4] Signed by President Obama in January of 2016, this order began the process by which President Trump removed economic sanctions against Sudan in November of 2017.

Sudan Tribune reported earlier this week that the foreign ministers of Poland and Sudan met in Khartoum on July 21^st, to discuss a number of issues of common concern to both countries. Following their meeting, Polish Foreign Minister Jacek Czaputowicz made a statement regarding Poland desire for closer relations with Sudan. This is an incredibly worrying development.

Poland has historically been a strong advocate for the people of Darfur, who have long suffered from government violence and genocide. This was true a month ago, when the Polish delegation to the United Nations made a very strong statement at the UN Security Council meeting on June 20^th, 2018. Poland noted concern for an uptick in violence in Jebel Marra, stressed that return of IDPs to their homes must be truly safe and voluntarily, demanded protection for women and girls from sexual violence, and called for any reduction of UNAMID personnel to be compensated for with an increase in UN country team presence. Additionally, Poland stressed full support for the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court in her investigation into crimes committed in Darfur and the need to hold the powerful accountable for their actions. This is all incredibly powerful speech.

However, actions speak louder than words. The Sudanese government is on the ropes, as it faces the possibility of the outbreak of famine and severe domestic unrest among its traditional power base. Khartoum is desperate for international legitimacy and access to international markets. This could be a turning point in Sudanese politics, but if Poland and other states like it – especially those states bound by the Rome Statute – give the Khartoum regime life support at this critical time, the consequences for the people of Darfur will be dire. Poland must not extend economic ties to Sudan, and must live up to its own words at the United Nations and hold President al-Bashir and his government accountable for their many crimes.

That Poland continue to demand justice for the people of Darfur and accountability for the leaders of the Sudanese government is especially important given Poland’s position within the international community. Poland is a state signatory of the 2002 Rome Statute, which established the International Criminal Court. This Court filed arrest warrants against Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir in 2009 and 2010, for crimes against humanity, war crimes, and the crime of genocide. Poland is also currently serving a term as a member of the United Nations Security Council. Poland must use this position of great power to protect the vulnerable people of Darfur, and demand justice for the atrocities committed by the current Sudanese government.

More worrying than just that the Polish Foreign Minister chose to visit Sudan, is who he chose to meet while there. Sudan Tribune reported that Minister Czaputowicz met with Sudanese Prime Minister Bakri Hassan Saleh, who was Minister of Defense from 2000 to 2005, the period of the start of the genocide in Darfur. After participating in the 1989 coup which brought President al-Bashir to power, Saleh held other important positions within the Sudanese government including head of the National Security Service and Minister of the Interior, and he has been rumored to be a possible successor to al-Bashir. In a regime tainted by genocide to its very core, a man this powerful has blood on his hands. That Poland would grant this man legitimacy in the form of a one-on-one meeting with its Foreign Minister is deeply disturbing, and completely violates any notion that Poland truly seeks to hold this regime accountable.

Unfortunately, this meeting follows a dangerous trend in the international response to Sudan. The United States removed economic sanctions against Sudan in November of 2017, despite clear evidence that Sudan had not actually met the qualifications for sanction removal. Similarly, the European Union signed a deal with Sudan regarding illegal migration in 2015.

The responsible states of the world have an obligation not to support the current Sudanese regime. But not only should these states not deal with the Khartoum government in the first place, they should also recognize that this same government has been dealing in bad faith since its very inception, and that this pattern has not changed in recent years.

While Khartoum pays lip service to containing illegal migration (and the European Union pays cash for this lip service), officials as high up in government as President al-Bashir’s very own brother have been making money hand over foot operating the very human smuggling rings which the Sudanese government claims to be containing. Following an in-depth investigation, Refugees Deeply reported that the President’s brother has been operating a service selling Sudanese passports to wealthy Syrians. These Syrians can then fly to Europe as Sudanese citizens, destroy their Sudanese passports, and apply for asylum as Syrian citizens. Refugees Deeply also reported that Sudanese police, all the way up to high-ranking generals in the Armed Forces, are inextricably linked with the human smuggling routes from East Africa through Sudan into Egypt and Libya. You can read our summary of these investigations here. When Sudan does in fact stop migrants from crossing the borders of Sudan, they employ the brutal Rapid Support Forces, formed from the infamous Janjaweed of the early 2000s, and responsible for mass atrocities throughout Darfur.

The Sudanese regime is equally hypocritical in regard to “conflict resolution,”. The government constantly references their “unilateral ceasefire” in Darfur, however this agreement is neither unilateral nor a ceasefire. A select group of rebel forces, weakened by combat to the point that they no longer control fighting men or territory, have agreed with the government of Sudan to stop fighting. However, the government of Sudan continues to pursue an aggressive offensive against the remaining rebel group, Sudan Liberation Movement/Army – Abdul Wahed (SLM/A-AW). The recent government campaign in the Jebel Marra region, attacking rebel positions in a territory controlled by this group for years, has led to a marked uptick in civilian casualties as well as the displacement of between thirty and fifty thousand people. Despite a lack of media coverage, and despite the claims made by Khartoum propagandists, the government war against the people of Darfur continues unabated.

The Polish Foreign Ministry released a tweet relating to this meeting, stressing concern for human rights and cooperation with international organizations on the part of the government of Sudan. We certainly hope that the Polish government uses this opportunity to press Sudan to be sincere about its professed desire to see peace in Darfur, and for genuine compliance with international norms, laws, and organizations by the Sudanese government. However, it seems that the Polish government is more interested in pursuing economic ties with Sudan than actually holding this regime accountable for any of the promises it makes on these non-economic fronts. The two ministers discussed a Polish-Sudanese economic forum to be held, as well as ways to cement ties between the two nations’ agrobusiness industries and improve trade between them. This follows a similar meeting last year in August on this same topic.

Poland, with its own history of liberation from authoritarian oppression and atrocity, can be a leader of the international community. We urge that Poland continue to advocate for the people of Darfur long oppressed and victimized by their government in Khartoum, and truly back up Polish words with strong actions.

The Sudanese Government has detained a prominent human rights advocate from Darfur. Matar Younis, a teacher, and Islamic religious leader is facing the death penalty or potentially life in prison because he courageously asking the Sudanese Government to change its policies in Darfur. Younis has been consistently harassed and harmed at the hands of President Omar al-Bashir’s regime for speaking out in defense of the rights of Darfuris.

Amnesty International, a non-governmental organization that advocates for human rights worldwide, has covered Younis’ case, bringing it to the forefront. Younis was violently assaulted by Sudanese security forces in February 2018, detained in April and has since been relocated to from Darfur to the capital of Sudan, Khartoum.

Younis has been charged with “waging war against the state”, “undermining the constitutional system” and even espionage, according to Amnesty. Tragically, the report reveals that Younis is visually impaired. It is hard to image the nightmare that this human rights activist is currently enduring.

According to press releases, the State Security Prosecution has postponed Younis’ trial, which was planned for earlier this month. As of right now, there is no date set for this trial, leaving Younis to remain in prison for an indefinite amount of time. While in prison, Younis is without any resources or access to assistance. Amnesty has also noted that Younis has been denied access to legal representation and is not able to see his family members.

 

Amnesty International’s Deputy Director for East Africa has described Younis as one of the “few voices” championing human rights in Darfur. He spoke of Younis’ fearless actions and has asked the Sudanese Government to “change its harmful policies and protect the displaced people of Darfur. He should not be criminalized for stand up for human rights.”

Younis was arrested along with Ahmed Haroun, a Darfuri shop owner who was also sent to Khartoum in December 2017.

The human rights of Darfuris have been consistently under attack for years. The Government of Sudan must be held accountable by the international community, including the United States Government for its continued abuse and denial for basic human rights and freedoms.

For years human rights in Darfur has been under attack. The government of Sudan must be held accountable by the entire International Community, including the United States government, for its continued abuse and denial of basic human rights and freedoms.

The al-Bashir regime benefits from better relations with the West after signing deal to stop migration through Sudan into Europe. Yet the President’s own brother is intimately involved in running those very migration routes.

The Government of Sudan announced earlier this week its intention to develop a “national anti-human trafficking” strategy.[1] This is part of a recent pattern whereby Sudan has improved relations with the West by agreeing to stem the flow of migrants from the continent of Africa into the European Union. It also fits a much longer pattern of Sudan making promises to the international community, receiving the benefits of this nominal cooperation, and refusing to actually change its ways.[2]

What’s worse, these deals legitimize the very organs of the Sudanese state most deeply involved in the crimes of the past 20 years. These crimes include war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide, as determined in 2009 by the International Criminal Court, which issued an arrest warrant on these counts against Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir that year.

The group most intimately involved with stemming migrant flows through Sudan is a government-run paramilitary organization called the Rapid Support Forces. This group has its origins in the infamous Janjaweed militias, internationally known for brutalizing the people of Darfur in the early 2000s. The change of name did not bring a change of behavior, and the RSF is still responsible for the bulk of violence against civilians during the recent – and ongoing – government assault on the Jebel Marra region of Darfur during the spring and summer of this year.

Despite this legacy of violence, RSF involvement in migration deals between Sudan and the European Union have emboldened the commander of the RSF to demand international recognition, and to attack the EU for not “thanking” his murderous organization.[3] The trend in Sudanese-EU relations towards normalization suggest that such thanks may not be long in coming. This would be extremely misguided, and a deep disregard of international norms.

Even if Sudan were actually serious about working with the European Union in the field of migration, a soft European policy on Sudan disregards the lives of millions of Darfuri’s and other Sudanese who have been systematically victimized by the al-Bashir regime. However, even the recent warming of EU-Sudanese relations itself is based on lies and fundamental criminality on the part of the Sudanese regime. Indeed, in-depth reports by Refugees Deeply (RD), an “independent digital media project dedicated to covering refugee and migration issues around the globe,” uncovered evidence that Sudanese officials have been aiding illicit migration, including working with human traffickers, all throughout the period of EU-Sudanese deals. RD has reported on the multiple forms that this cooperation takes, detailed below.

The RD reports note that the government of Sudan is intimately involved in funneling migrants through Sudan into Europe, which high-level officials running the show every step of the way. Most recently, RD reported that President al-Bashir’s younger brother is operating as the head of a project to bring migrants through Sudan from Syria into Europe. This hypocrisy is typical of the al-Bashir regime. As with repeated bad faith “deals” with rebel groups in Darfur, and “ceasefires” which don’t keep government forces from shooting, the government of Sudan is willing to sign agreements, just not honor them. Al-Bashir will likely continue to gain better relations with the West, all while personally enriching himself and his family running the very migration flows he is being paid by the European Union to stop.

The mechanics of these routes, and government involvement, is detailed below:

1) Selling Sudanese citizenship to wealthy Syrians.[4]

Refugees Deeply (RD) reported in January of this year that Abdullah al-Bashir, the brother of Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir, is personally involved with the sale of Sudanese citizenship for profit. Syrians would pay upwards of $10,000 for a Sudanese passport, issued by the state after delivery of payment to officials linked to al-Bashir. With this passport these newly minted Sudanese citizens could fly to the European Union, where they would destroy the Sudanese passports and apply for asylum as Syrian nationals fleeing the violence. The Sudanese government is not merely complicit in this process, but actively manages it, issuing real passports to paying customers.

2) Cooperation with Human Smuggling Rings from East Africa[1]

A separate RD report followed the path of an Eritrean migrant through Sudan, eventually to Egypt and beyond. Groups of migrants were collected at various points in Eritrea before being moved across the border to the Sudanese city of Kassala, thence through Kassala state to Khartoum. Kassala state is notorious as a hotbed of criminal smuggling activity, where the smuggling economy is inextricably linked to connections with government officials. The map above charts the path described by RD. Government officials are complicit in the transport of migrants through every step of the process detailed above, except for the final transit of migrants across the Mediterranean.

This is precisely the type of migration that the new “strategy” is nominally designed to stop. However, that Sudan has acknowledged the existence of trans-Sudan migration does not mean that the government actually has any real intention of stopping it. This is yet another face-saving pronouncement designed to create the appearance of cooperation with the European Union, without any real policy changes.

The networks transporting migrants from East Africa through Sudan are not mere criminal organizations but are in deep cooperation with government officials. Indeed, one source who has been employed at various times as both a smuggler and a police officer, noted that it was impossible for smugglers to operate without the knowledge and consent of local police. The Eritrean migrant whose path was highlight by RD remarked that he was transported from the Eritrean border to Khartoum in vehicles identical to those used by Sudanese police, and was not stopped once at any of the police checkpoints along the route. This is in contrast to his initial attempt to get to Khartoum by bus, where he was stopped by police officers due to lack of sufficient funds to pay their bribes.

Importantly, the routes from Khartoum to Egypt and Libya operate not only with the cooperation of government officials but are explicitly run by veteran high-ranking soldiers of the Sudanese Army, and are publicly advertised in open air markets within Khartoum. Much like the sale of Sudanese passports to high-paying Syrians, this is big business run by big officials. If the government of Sudan were serious about stemming migration, they would shut down these openly marketed businesses operating right under their nose in the capital city. Alternately, President al-Bashir could force his own brother to stop operating a Syrian migration racket. Instead, the President employs the murderous RSF to terrorize occasional parties of migrants en-route to the Libyan border, gaining recognition and funds from the European Union all along the way.

[1] https://www.newsdeeply.com/refugees/articles/2018/01/19/sudan-the-e-u-s-partner-in-migration-crime

[1] https://reliefweb.int/report/sudan/sudan-develop-national-anti-human-trafficking-strategy

[2] https://www.irinnews.org/special-report/2018/01/30/inside-eu-s-flawed-200-million-migration-deal-sudan

[3] https://www.dabangasudan.org/en/all-news/article/commander-of-sudan-s-main-militia-wants-international-recognition

[4] https://www.newsdeeply.com/refugees/articles/2018/02/01/passports-for-sale-how-sudan-profits-from-syrians

The United Nations security council is set to vote on renewing the mandate of the United Nations – African Union Hybrid Mission in Darfur tomorrow, on July 12^th. UNAMID has served in Darfur since it was founded in July of 2007. Most recently, UNAMID’s mandate was extended for two weeks at the UN Security Council on June 30.

The international community must not abandon the people of Darfur, especially not now. The notion that conflict in Darfur, and especially the targeting of civilians by government forces and government-aligned armed groups, has ended is patently false. The Armed Conflict Location and Event Data Project has recorded, 215 violent incidents in Darfur in the first six-months of 2018 alone. Violence has heated up this year, especially during a government military campaign in the Jebel Marra region in the center of Darfur. Fatou Bensouda, the Prosecutor for the ICC, noted that this government campaign has created about 30,000 newly internally displaced persons. Other sources hold this to be a low estimate. This is not the legacy of crimes a decade ago, but a political and security reality faced by the people of Darfur today.

Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir was indicted by the International Criminal Court in 2009, after the case if Darfur was referred to this body in 2005. Bashir is still at large, entirely avoiding being held to account for his crimes of that past 15 years. Tomorrow, July 12^th, is the eighth anniversary of the second arrest warrant issued against Bashir by the ICC in 2010. It would be the height of irony if the international community formally abandoned its protection of the Darfuri people through UNAMID on the very anniversary of the day its own legal organ officially declared the conflict genocide.

DWAG Statement on UNSC Vote Regarding Renewal of UNAMID Mandate