Author: DWAG Communication

Darfur students are continually being targeted and subjected to different types of harassment by the students’ security and the public security organs. By arresting Darfuri students for long periods of time these the security forces are attempting to isolate Darfur student activists and human rights defenders from local and international environments, and hinder them from working on issues related to rights, general freedoms and activities of students movements.

The regime through its followers at the students’ security organ has taken waves of Darfur students to cunning trials after long periods in arbitrary detention. These actions are aimed at weakening Darfur students and diverting their attention from the national issues, through the regime’s affiliated students’ security organ, which is motivated by cheap political slyness.

Whenever a court rules a not guilty verdict for Darfur students, after a long period of unfair arbitrary detention, physical and moral torture and humiliating treatment which undermines human dignity, the regime considers the not guilty verdict as a temporary measure. The sufferings of Darfur students continue with the renewal of the arbitrary arrests without regulation or righteous procedures, the misuse of power and influence, substance abuse and abusing the usage of laws.

These unfair arrests have caused Darfur students to miss many years of study, which has deepened the feelings of citizenship inequality among the Darfur students and of negative discrimination, which generates the feelings of racism and social injustice which is threatening the coherence and national unity.

Today August 18, 2013, the Judge of Central Khartoum criminal court, Dr. Osama Ahmed Abdalla, has ruled a verdict of not guilty on five Darfur students in accordance to the article 141K/G in the cunning statement No 1153/2013, by Mutaz Abdalla Abdulgadir, a member of the security organ, due to lack of evidence. The released students were re-arrested on June 16, 2013 and they were detained, physically tortured by electric sticks and psychologically tortured through humiliating insults that degraded their human dignity. This torture continued for a one month period until July 16, 2013, when they were referred to the prosecutor of the crimes against the state, and they were kept in detention till July 7, 2013, when they were presented to the trail and five who were released on bond, are:

1. Ahmed Abdulrhman Altahir, studying at Sudan University, fifth year, he was arrested at the University during his study.
2.  Mohamed Abdalla Abdulkarim, studying at Sudan University, faculty of Music and Drama, fourth year, he was arrested inside the Omdurman Ahlia University.
3.  Ibrahim Adam Alhag, studying at Alnilin University, Faculty of Law, second year, arrested inside the University.
4.  Maawia Mohamed Musa Atim, studying at the Omdurman Ahlia University, Faculty of Economic and Administrative Science, third year, arrested inside the University.
5.  Basam Khamis Karama, studying at the Omdurman Ahlia University, Faculty of Art, arrested in the University Library.

Student Ibrahim Musa Hassan who is studying at the Omdurman Ahlia University was charged under articles 169 K and G, and 1991-26 KSZ, and a session is set for August 20, 2013 for the ruling.

The students who were released on verdict of not guilty spent 46 days in detention and 18 days during the trail procedures, until they received an innocent verdict by the judiciary, after been subjected to torture by electric sticks, tapes, and severely racist insults, while their eyes were blindfolded for two days, in a severe and great violation to human rights. The DBA condemn these great violations toward innocent Darfur students, and it will take appropriate and necessary measures to demand rectifying their wasted human situations.

Darfur Bar Association

August 18, 2013

Edits done by MacKennan at Darfur Women Action Group

Last week, on August 6th, the Sudanese government took yet another step to prevent humanitarian aid from reaching those who need it by expelling 20 humanitarian workers employed by the United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR). With only 37 UNHCR employees working in Darfur at the time, this expulsion has scaled down UNHCR operations in terms of workers by over 50%. This has specifically affected North Darfur since all of the workers who were based in the capital, El Fasher, have been forced out of the country. These actions have also occurred despite the UN’s applications for the appropriate permits. Reuters reports that UNHCR has not been given an explanation of why the applications for permit renewal were revoked.

The timing of this event could not be worse. It comes amid an extreme upsurge in violence since January, 2013, as well as the height of the rainy season. There is famine, water shortages, and rampant disease in camps throughout Sudan and in neighboring countries. The rainy season is particularly deadly because of it increases the spread of disease predominantly in IDP and refugee camps, and when coupled with a decrease in humanitarian workers spell disaster for those living in Darfur.

A few recent examples reveal just how dire the situation is. On August 12, the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) estimated 150,000 people are affected by flooding in Sudan. According to the same report about 26,000 houses have been destroyed or damaged. As recently as August 11, 874 houses collapsed due to rains and flooding in the Kalma IDP camp in South Darfur and killing 14 people.

Famine is rampant within IDP and refugee camps due to the rising prices of food and the scaling back of humanitarian operations due to the rapidly deteriorating security situation, which also affects the Sudanese people’s capacity to grow their own food. Food shortages are compounded due to the inability of farmers to plant and harvest crops. With a wide variety of security threats—including rebel groups, government sponsored militias, bandits, and tribes—the security situation makes it very dangerous for people to reach their farms. Those who choose to farm are often threatened with violence and forced to pay money to farm to militia groups. On June 21st, Radio Dabanga reported that 10 displaced women were beaten by pro-government militia for trying to farm in North Darfur. The women were whipped and their lives threatened. The militiamen reportedly attacked the women “‘because they keep farming and are no longer afraid of being whipped.’” Water shortages are also a problem. On August 13th, Radio Dabanga reported that 19,500 Sudanese refugees living in Djabal camp in Chad are in an “acute drinking water crisis.” With all of these concerns affecting the effectiveness of NGOs at work in Sudan, the government’s interference into humanitarian work is blatantly criminal and serves no other purpose than harming the people in desperate need of aid.

It is also extremely important to note how the lack of humanitarian assistance affects women in particular. International and national humanitarian organizations are responsible for many of the services that are of importance to women including medical and psychological treatment for victims or rape, training for midwives, and nutrition aid for pregnant and nursing mothers.

There has been a major lack of international response to Khartoum’s expulsion of UN workers. The Sudan Tribune reports that as of August 9th “The US administration was the only government to support UNHCR’s demands calling for the immediate renewal of work permits to its staffers providing humanitarian aid to displaced civilians on the ground.” The international community needs to condemn the actions of the Sudanese government which is acting in ways that directly harms its citizens. Although it may seem that the expulsion of only 20 aid workers is small in comparison to the many challenges Sudan is currently facing, it is important to note all what this small step reveals about the government. Khartoum has a long history of limiting NGO access to certain parts of the country; however, this action has gone so far as to remove even a UN presence from Darfur. UNCHR is one of the last humanitarian presences left in Darfur, and now it seems that they soon could be fully expelled from the area as well.

Recently the group, UN Watch, released this article which brought up a major issue within the UN. This July, Sudan’s Ambassador to the UN, Daffa-Alla Elhag Ali Osman, chaired the UN Economic and Social Council’s (ECOSOC) sessions in Geneva. ECOSOC oversees many human rights and humanitarian issues. The committee’s importance is described in a separate article by UN Watch’s executive director: “ECOSOC is the sole principal organ under the UN Charter mandated to adopt resolutions for the purpose of promoting respect for, and observance of, human rights and fundamental freedoms for all.” It almost goes without saying that having Sudan chair meetings that focus on humanitarian aid and the promotion of human rights, is not only hypocritical, but also counterproductive. With the Sudanese president and other senior government officials indicted by the International Criminal Court (ICC) for genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes, it is outrageous that this same government is heading sessions aimed at preventing mass atrocities and dealing with other human rights issues. The Sudanese government’s abysmal record with dealing with humanitarian organizations has long been documented. In 2009, they expelled 16 international and domestic aid organizations from Sudan that provided approximately 50% of the aid to the people of Darfur. The government also continues to limit the access of organizations to certain parts of the country. Most recently, on August 6, 2013, Sudan ejected 20 staff members of the UN High Commission on Refugees (UNHCR) working in the country after refusing to renew their work permits. Sudan continues to make it difficult for humanitarian workers to aid the millions of displaced currently living without basic necessities.

This current controversy began in January when Sudan was elected to the position of Vice President of ECOSOC. Their position was extended in February when it was announced they would chair the “humanitarian affairs segment.” In reaction to this turn of affairs, the US and members of the European Union protested the appointment in February. Fortunately, this participation by several members of the international community led to the post being given to Pakistan in March, while still taking a leading role in ECOSOC. Countries including China, Venezuela, and Cuba spoke against the claims against the Sudanese government and supported its appointed to the humanitarian affairs segment.

The UN can be a massive tool for change; however, when events like this take place the entire validity of the UN is called into question. These actions show that members of the international community are actively promoting Sudan’s status in humanitarian and human rights efforts, instead of enforcing any responsibility to protect the Sudanese people. The genocide against the people of Darfur has been occurring over the past 10 years with over 500,000 people killed and millions becoming internally displaced or international refugees. The government is responsible through acts of both omission and commission in the perpetration of these crimes. It is therefore reprehensible that an organization such as the U.N., which is responsible for ensuring basic human rights as well as international peace and security, can allow the representatives of this state to be responsible for an international forum whose is tasked with the promotion of humanitarian aid and human rights.

Dear DWAG Supporters,

Darfur Women Action Group is pleased to inform you that we will be soon launching a new page dedicated to citizens’ reports, including eye witness accounts of the incidents on the ground in Darfur, where we will be sharing reports, similar to the following one, to give voice to those whose voices have been oppressed. Please find our first series below, which came last week from ordinary citizens on the ground in Darfur, Sudan.

Tuesday, July 2, 2013

Fighting in Nyala between Janjaweed and security forces began when the Commissioner of Nitega’s car was stolen by Janjaweed; both the car and the militia person who stole it were caught by Nyala security. Militia leader Dekron went to the Security office in Nyala to free that militia member, and was killed when he tried to shoot the security leader after it was clear the security forces were not going to let the person who stole the Commissioner’s car go. Dekron was taken to the hospital, but it was confirmed he was dead.

Wednesday, July, 3, 2013

Janjaweed militia from El Geneina, Ed Daein surrounded the security headquarters in Nyala.

At 11 am gunfire between security and Janjaweed started. The violence involved the use of large weapons including Kalishnikovs.

Between 1 pm and 2 pm the Janjaweed traveled to a district of Nyala containing security and NGO offices. Here they shot at the World Vision International compound, broke into World Vision houses, shot people inside and stole things. The Janjaweed also set up a roadblock on the road from the city to the airport, robbing anyone who was stopped by. They continued to rob people in the Malaja market and stole 28 motorcycles from Nyala.

At 5pm, the shop owners in the Nyala markets asked police for assistance to stop the looting of their shops, but there was no response from either the government or police.

At 8pm, Janjaweed went into Malaja market in the Riyad district of Nyala. They broke into and looted only the shops that belonged to Fur, not Arab tribe, owners. They broke into the shops by shooting down doors and set fire to any shops into which they could not force entry.

Friday, July 5, 2013

The Janjaweed continue to loot the city’s markets and shoot the inhabitants with no action taken by police and security forces. The Janjaweed are currently still inside Nyala, taking goods from markets without paying for them. There is still no security in Nyala.

In other news, it is reported that on July 27 and July 28, 94 people were killed between Zalengei and Nyala due to fighting between the Misseriya and Salamat tribes.

Darfur Women Action Group condemns the bloody violence in Nyla, South Darfur and calls on the international community to protect the people of Darfur

Darfur Women Action Group is gravely concerned, about violent clashes between the pro-government militias that erupted in an urban area of Nyla, South Darfur in the first week of July. These clashes resulted in the deaths of a number of civilians, including the shooting of students. These clashes also killed two World Vision humanitarian aid workers and injured of three others. According to World Vision, the staff members were killed in a grenade explosion and their compound was later looted. World Vision has since suspended aid to South Darfur, which has affected one million people.

This is just one instance of rampant violence in Darfur that affects not only NGO workers, but civilians as well. Such violence not only creates extreme danger for the people of Darfur, but also further undermines the flow of the humanitarian work by endangering lives and discouraging and ending aid programs that provide vital services such as food aid, healthcare, and water and sanitation assistance.

Darfur Women Action Group condemns these systematic acts of violence and the ongoing crimes against civilians and aid workers in Darfur. DWAG believes that the government of Sudan should be held accountable for the investigation of this incident, prosecution of the perpetrators, justice for those who lost their lives, and rehabilitation for those who have been injured. DWAG calls on the international community to protect all people in Darfur, including civilians and aid workers, and asks that NGOs and international aid agencies not abandon Darfur, as the aftermath of such violence is a time when support is needed most.

Darfur Women Action Group is a US based, women led anti-atrocity organization. Our core mission is to advance human rights by combating violence, preventing atrocities, and promoting peace. We support grassroots and national organizations both in the US and on the ground in Darfur. We hope to provide opportunities to amplify the voices of those most affected by the conflict and bring them to the attention of the international community.

June 19, 2013

This week the Tom Lantos Human Rights Commission held a hearing in which several experts from both the government and civil society organizations testified about the current human rights situation in Sudan. The hearing was chaired by James McGovern, a democratic representative from Massachusetts, and Frank Wolf, a republican representative from Virginia. The first panel to testify was made up of government officials including Larry André, the Director of the Office of the Special Envoy for Sudan and South Sudan, Bureau of African Affairs at the U.S. Department of State and Nancy E. Lindborg, Assistant Administrator, Bureau for Democracy, Conflict and Humanitarian Assistance at the U.S. Agency for International Development, whereas the second panel was made up representatives of private organizations including John Prendergast, the Co-Founder, Enough Project, and Co-Founder, Satellite Sentinel Project, Ken Isaacs, Vice President, Programs and Government Relations at Samaritan’s Purse, E.J. Hogendoorn, Deputy Director, Africa at the International Crisis Group, and Jehanne Henry, Senior Researcher on Sudan, Africa Division at Human Rights Watch.

The meeting began with an overview of the situation citing the well-known numbers of 2.3 million displaced persons, 300,000 of whom have fled to Chad, and noting the extreme escalation of violence especially in Darfur, Blue Nile, and South Kordofan that has recently taken place. In fact, the testimony revealed that since January, 2013 there has been a 50% swell in IDP camps in Darfur. Although some of the fighting is inter-ethnic or between rival militias, much of the violence is perpetrated by the government itself, which carries out aerial bombardments and scorched earth tactics against its very own citizens. Not only does the government carry out direct attacks and supply militia groups that do, but also restricts humanitarian access to the displaced and needy within Sudan, while also limiting civil society and imprisoning journalists and political dissenters. The displaced all around Sudan face horrendous humanitarian conditions. Ms. Lindborg stated in her testimony that 5 million people (15% of Sudan’s total population) is now in need of humanitarian assistance, 32% of children in Sudan are underweight, which has led to 35% of the children having stunted growth. In the face of statistics like these and the fact the conflict has now been going on for 10 years with no sign of abating, it is now more important than ever that strong and effective international action is implemented.

Although the hearing covered many different topics throughout the proceedings the co-chairs continued to bring up the question: what concrete actions can the U.S. take to improve the humanitarian crisis? This important question needs to be answered if the crimes against humanity, genocide, and war crimes are going to be put to an end. The general consensus was that a comprehensive peace agreement was needed among all parties, since it was unlikely one side or the other can win militarily and regional approaches to peace would not work either. This process according to the first panel would include the cessation of hostilities followed by an inclusive political process. Mr. André called for a “unified, holistic approach” to the peace process. While creating a comprehensive peace process sounds like a great idea, it is much harder to achieve in reality. Ms. Henry offered the most comprehensive list of actions the U.S. should take to end the conflict, including: (1) the appointment of a new Special Envoy to Sudan, (2) engaging with actors such as China, Qatar, and other regional actors such as the African Union, (3) push for justice and the handing over of war criminals to the International Criminal Court, (4) and working to disarm militias. Another approach was attacking the problem through the weapon supply routes, as Sudan gets many of its weapons from China, Russia, and Iran. There was also a discussion of a stringent withdrawal of non-humanitarian aid to those states who host those members of the Sudanese government who have been indicted by the ICC to attempt to pressure those countries who deal with suspected war criminals; however, is the U.S. one of these states themselves? Mr. André and Ms. Linborg were forced to defend their position on the recent invitation of Presidential Assistant and Vice Chairman of the National Congress Party, Nafie ali Nafie to Washington D.C. Although the specifics of his involvement with the genocide in Darfur are not known, he has been a senior adviser to ICC-indicted President al-Bashir for many years including serving as the head of Sudanese intelligence and in charge of the Darfur portfolio. The invitation to the nation’s capital was the Obama administration’s attempt to promote negotiations, but has been postponed indefinitely in light of Sudan’s recent failure to cooperate with South Sudan. As Mr. André stated in his testimony, there are not many people in Sudanese government who have clean pasts that the U.S. would find appropriate to hold talks with and there is an urgent need to find a comprehensive peace. Although negotiations are necessary, an invitation to Washington D.C. can be seen as a validation of a regime that has perpetrated over 10 years of violence against its own people. Congressman Wolf expressed his opinion that the idea of inviting Nafie to the capital was “immoral” and although there is a need to have negotiations, inviting Nafie to the U.S. was a step too far. The co-chairs asked each of the members of Panel II what their position on this highly controversial subject was. Even among these experts, there was division with some arguing for the high-road and not negotiating with a known criminal, whereas others argued that any chance at a solution is a step we should take. This classic trade-off between peace and justice has posed another conundrum for the U.S. to deal with.

All of these ideas have significant merit, but it is now up to the U.S. government to implement them. What will it take for the U.S. to take a moral stand and end genocide? Overall, the U.S. foreign policy needs to take into account the human rights record of the states that it deals with in order to ensure a more peaceful world. Hearings like this bring the crisis in Sudan to light and to focus the government’s attention on it, but it is now time to take real steps to make the U.S. policy in Sudan more effective. Some new proposed legislation is titled the Sudan Peace, Security and Accountability Act of 2013. This legislation has been introduced this bill on April 24, 2013. If you wish to support the bill, call your congressperson and voice your opinion. If any action is to be taken on behalf of the U.S. the government has to be aware of the will of the public to take action.